Black women are generally excluded from executive and leadership roles in America. According to a study by Forbes magazine, although African American women are approximately 7.4% of the US adult population, they account for just 1.4% of top executive positions in America (Corbett, 2022). They have a greater representation in managerial roles, but this is just 4.4%, which is just a little over half of their statistical representation in the general adult population.
Black women are conspicuously absent from senior executive and top managerial roles in the country. Nixon (2017) identified that the nature of diversity programs on college campuses minimizes the ability of black women to rise through the ranks. That is because black women are inherently “otherized” in terms of identity and, therefore, put on a trajectory that ensures they cannot rise in their careers to take supervisory, managerial, or executive positions in organizations in the country (Nixon, 2017).
Lyness and Grotto (2018) asserted that, in general, “men still dominate US leadership” (p. 227). This means just by being a woman – one is naturally put on a path to a slow and restricted career development. This comes with systemic issues and other entrenched organizational barriers that most women cannot scale easily (Lyness & Grotto, 2018). At the same time, for the women who can scale these limitations, most of them are more likely to be white rather than black. The difference in white women who scale such limitations, render African American women a minority within a minority in terms of executive and senior managerial positions and roles.
In other cases, the workplace is where some are treated differently from others, also known as otherized and genderized where there is a heavy emphasis on gender bias. Such workplace environments of being otherized and genderized creates a situation where three things persist – precarious visibility or invisibility for black women and hypervisibility for white males and white women (McCluney & Caridad Rabelo, 2019). What this means is that black women are often cast in roles and positions where they will not be seen in the public eye of the company. Rather, they are kept in positions in the managerial and executive path, where they will be restricted and kept away from sensitive roles. Over time, women develop careers that are not compatible with promotions and other career elevation processes, thereby leaving them to stagnate (McCluney & Caridad Rabelo, 2019). On the other hand, the selective introduction of young or prettier white women or white males in positions where they can rise through the ranks easily is much more prevalent. This selective involvement is often justified because they are members of the majority group and will, therefore, help the company in dealing with stakeholders or appealing to the markets (McCluney & Caridad Rabelo, 2019). However, in the end, this creates qualitative issues that ultimately hurt the executive and managerial careers of black women who might be equally qualified or sometimes better qualified than these majority candidates are given hypervisibility.
Precarious visibility involves putting black women in positions where they will be seen for the wrong reasons or other condescending circumstances (Nixon, 2017). Examples could be placement in crisis management as a token to handle problematic situations that would see them fail. The situation ensures many black women cannot thrive in their job roles and executive positions.
Leath et al. (2021) identify five discriminatory themes that are used to hold African American women back in executive positions:
Body and tone policing
Exceptionalism
Tokenization
Cultural erasure, and
Gatekeeping restrictions (Leath et al., 2021).
Body and tone policing is premised on the otherization of black women and presenting them as unusual persons. Thus, their body is seen as disfigured and, therefore, not appealing to anyone who might want to enter a deal with the organization. There is also the notion that every African American woman is unrefined, and they speak African American Vernacular English (AAVE), which is seen as a crude language spoken by a dangerous group of people (Leath, et al., 2021). Through this, black women are otherized and kept out of the fold to take up top executive positions.
Exceptionalism is invoked by setting unrealistic standards that are often based on white stereotypes. Tokenization is about putting black women in positions only as a symbol to show the firm is diverse (Dickens, Womack, & Dimes, 2019). The culture of the African American woman is erased and seen as unrefined, while they are cast as persons inappropriate to take up gatekeeper roles (Dickens, Womack, & Dimes, 2019). Thus, white women are given gatekeeper roles and a pass to an executive position, while black women are kept behind the scenes as kept employees (Dickens, Womack, & Dimes, 2019).
The outcome of navigating the situation includes benefit and identity shifting, interpersonal rejection, and forced assimilation into the dominant culture (Dickens(2) & Chavez, 2018). Most black women must change their entire identity to fit into a managerial or executive role in general. This comes with “whitewashing” their identity, and even then, most of them are otherized and ostracized as part of a process of interpersonal rejection (Dickens(2) & Chavez, 2018). However, the whole process involves the delegitimization of black women and who they are as individuals (Dickens(2) & Chavez, 2018).
“An interlocking system of oppression impacts the leadership and decision-making experiences of black women in executive-level leadership positions at predominantly white institutions in the US” (Richardson, 2021, p. 24). The process has been called anti-black and misogynoir as a distinct form of discrimination and exclusion that affects women of African American heritage (Frankiewicz, 2020; Noble & Palmer, 2022).
While some women often avoid aggression in the workplace, many are able to work with their fellow white women to stand up against the genderized workplace (Hotchkins, 2017). This form of collaboration ensures black women and white women are able to stand against exclusion and anti-female practices in managerial and executive positions. The lack of taking African American women’s viewpoints on how management and executive activities can be undertaken lead to major gaps that affect the quality of the workplace environment (Stewart, 2022). In many cases, it ends up with a toxic environment for black female executives.
Lack of Black Women Representation in Executive Leadership Roles in Nonprofit Sector
The general problem that culminates in the lack of representation of black women in executive positions manifests itself significantly in the nonprofit sector. Brown (2019) conducted an extensive study of the reasons black women never get to rise in nonprofit organizations, in which four themes were identified – racism, sexism, a community of family and friends, and the passion for serving. Racism and sexism are barriers that are externally imposed on black women, which prevents them from rising to executive positions in nonprofit organizations. A community of family and friends, and the passion for serving are motivators because family and friends do not often encourage black women to engage in leading positions in nonprofits. Then, there is the economic factor, which forces most qualified black women to look for positions in profit-making organizations to gain good remuneration rather than a charitable entity (Boyd, 2022).
Where black women are included in nonprofits, they are often treated as passive parties, where they are not allowed to be active participants in the party, but passively participate to influence the electoral competition and their input is rarely taken (Boyd, 2022). Therefore, the Black wowen are put in roles that culminate in tokenism. LeRoux and Medina (2023) identified the lack of representation of blacks and Latinos on most boards of nonprofits, which creates a domino effect where it is assumed that black women are just not interested.
On the contrary Kim and Mason (2017), stated studies have shown that African American women on boards of nonprofit organizations can increase advocacy significantly. That is because they encourage engagement and promote the depth and reach of social programs in African American and minority communities. Therefore, a strength-based approach could be useful in increasing black women’s participation and efficiency on nonprofit boards. However, most organizations continue to overlook black women (Kim & Mason, 2017).
Cook (2020) identified a correlation between the number of black girls in leadership programs in schools and institutions of higher learning and their participation in nonprofit leadership. African American girls who learn and engage in extracurricular activities based on social development gain skills that give them jobs in the industry. However, in reality, few programs in schools encourage black girls to engage in club activities to gain competencies they can carry forward into nonprofit organizations (Cook, 2020).
The form of inclusion used by official entities such as equal opportunities, equal access, and a sense of belonging tend to have loopholes that are hardly addressed in relation to leadership roles in nonprofits (Nelson & Piatak, 2019). Such loopholes are often cast as a voluntary sector by non-profit institutions that affirmative action does not cover. Black women are often overlooked due to such loopholes, and protections for them under civil rights laws are hardly invoked in nonprofits.
Many believe the perceptions of African American women in leadership roles are different or less efficient (Sales, Burke, & Cannonier, 2020). The perception is mainly due to a high level of disregard for the competencies and abilities of African American women. Such disregard results in an act that makes society cruel and lacks normal human behavior towards African American women as external degradations, which tend to stand in the way of boards accepting and giving African American women executive roles in nonprofits (Sales, Burke, & Cannonier, 2020). The nonprofit sector does not receive the same level of scrutiny for racism and racist practices that affect black women (Siemiatycki, 2019). Thus, a lot of racism and disdain go unnoticed and unchecked in the sector.
In a comprehensive review by Johnson and Fournillier (2022) it was found that visibility, collaboration, exposure, mentorship, and authenticity are major areas where black women are left behind. The barriers have been prominent in career advancements due to the crux of gender and race stereotyping in the corporate environment (Burchell, 2022). The barriers are due to the ineffective leadership development networks and lack of diversity support. Mentorship, collaboration, and authenticity affect the assimilation to organizational behavior and corporate norms, which affects the professional readiness, skillset, competency, and self-efficacy of African American women for promotion (Burchell, 2022). The aforementioned areas are where many bad-faith actions transpire that keep African American women behind in their quest for career progression in the nonprofit sector. Therefore, the lack of career advancement and guidance has limited African American women occupying senior leadership positions in mainstream companies and is a salient factor that contributes to the career advancement and professional development barriers in the workplace (Burchell, 2022).
Intersectionality for Black Women
There is a general trend where African American women are excluded from top roles in leadership and education. The matters that hold black women back in top leadership positions are not one single issue or matter. Rather, it is a combination of many different things that keep African American women behind African American men and people of all races. Things like fatherlessness, racism, single-motherhood, poverty, and being first-generation graduates come to stand in the way of African American women doing things for themselves. Intersectionality is one way where these women are treated unequally based on their race, gender, and ethnicity to create unique dynamics (Roth, 2019). This intersecting dynamic is in contrast with white American women, who normally have privilege and advantage over most of these elements of disadvantage, which hold back black women from the interconnected nature of social categorization.
“The paradigm of intersectionality serves to describe and analyze how socially constructed categories of differences interact to create social hierarchy.” (Roth, 2019, p. 172). The paradigm of intersectionality is premised on the fact that the socioeconomic distribution of resources creates historical gaps and trends that cause some people to suffer more than others. African American women struggle with a lot more disadvantages, such as macroaggressions, stereotype threats, and limited representation, than most other demographic groups. Such disadvantages create a caste system where African American women are put under a high level of disadvantage that makes it difficult for them to build careers in sectors like nonprofit positions (Coaston, 2022). The caste system makes it essential for some form of social justice to be invoked to distribute resources equitably to help marginalized groups like black women overcome the combination of factors that stand in the way of their progression in sectors like nonprofit leadership roles.
During the Civil Rights Era of the 1960s, African American women had to fight not just racism but also patriarchy and misogyny that supported oppression that denied them their social and economic rights (Adams & Lott, 2021). Ultimately, fighting against racism, patriarchy, and misogyny led to invisibility, vulnerability, colorism, and many other negative stereotypes that stood in the way of African American women’s progress.
During the Civil Rights Era, African American women had to march with other African Americans; and after that, they had to march with white and other women to demand their rights in post-Civil Rights America, where they were often disadvantaged (Mays & Ghavami, 2018). In all areas they were otherized and often denied through various direct and indirect actions of American society. It became clear that when rights were recognized for women, they were often granted to white women. And when rights were granted to African Americans, black men benefited the most. Thus, African American women were typically left worse off after all the demands for equality and justice. Thus, a psychological notion evolved among African American women, which was strongly influenced by intersectionality (Mays & Ghavami, 2018).
Feminist psychologists present an engagement and intersectionality theory that asserts that every American have rights they should proactively invoke against authorities to gain a fair and equal representation (Warner, Settles, & Shields, 2018). The theory is the framework that conceptualizes an individual and his social issues that are affected by discrimination or disadvantage in society (Warner, Settles, & Shields, 2018). As such, black women must continuously practice this to demand fair and just inclusion in any aspect of society they engage. That is the only way they can maintain a fair and just engagement in society. Thus, the theory can be used repeatedly by women to invoke their intersectionality and demand fair treatment and consideration in whatever they do. Where the intersectionality theory and engagement theory have been invoked, it is observed that the lot of black women and black girls has generally improved (Warner, Settles, & Shields, 2018).
Another view asserts that intersectionality creates a critical lens, and in the case of gender, it is highly useful in identifying gaps and creating opportunities for vital issues in society to be balanced to create solutions that meet the needs of the most disadvantaged (Breslin, Pandey, & Riccucci, 2017). Intersectionality allows the recognition of different demographic groups and the oppression they go through, so changes can be made. Most black women struggle with gender, race, class, sexuality, and many other pointers that inherently lead to unfairness (Breslin, Pandey, & Riccucci, 2017). Intersectionality, in the case of black women, came as a methodological approach through which they could identify the harsh realities and challenges they face and demand fair and equal treatment. These methodological approaches have become a model that has progressively grown to create important critical perspectives that are used to highlight disadvantages and provide practical directions on how change can be initiated and sustained to maintain the best interests of women in all situations and circumstances (Breslin, Pandey, & Riccucci, 2017).
Indeed, interviews conducted by authors of Article Sex Roles 77 with African American women in nonprofit roles indicated that the women go through a combination of issues with their race, identity, societal and occupational stereotypes, as well as hostile environments (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017). Thus, when a black woman resolves one issue, another issue comes up immediately that reverses all gains and achievements. This ultimately creates a system where race and gender identities become major limitations and inhibitions. Many of these issues are implicit forms of stereotypes and inhibitions that affect the welfare of African American women in nonprofit organizations and roles (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017). In effect, most of the protections and limitations granted to women in the workplace under civil rights laws and other laws and mandates are reversed through direct and indirect limitations placed on black women. It is only through an increase in awareness and attacks on stereotypes that can lead to action that can end the limitations on women in the corporate world and restrict intersectionality (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017).
Historically, intersectionality had a role in securing better healthcare and also created responses to microaggressions that were difficult to quantify and control under law (Lewis, Williams, Peppers, & Gadson, 2017). Intersectionality as a tool against racism and discrimination also came with various tools to challenge long-held beliefs and practices that were standing in the way of the mental and physical health of black women and other minorities in a given space.
Kerry Hendrick, Nick Deal, Albert J. Mills, and Jean Helms Mills acknowledge that the evolution of intersectionality occurred somewhat fortuitously. The reason behind that evolution is because a few elites, such as Joan C. Browning questioned and challenged the system in ways that allowed them to meet their greatest goals and potential (Browning, 2017). It, therefore, comes as no surprise that from the onset of America’s independence, single white women gained access to their rights, except when they married and came under a “home” where their husbands represented them (Hendricks, Deal, Mills, & Helms Mills, 2021). It is such elites like Susan B. Anthony who could protest and change the voting laws to demand the right of women to vote. African American women were generally marginalized, and in historicizing civil rights and intersectionality, it is apparent that elite white women were the ones who first stood up against authority to demand Title XI of the Civil Rights Act and others (Hendricks, Deal, Mills, & Helms Mills, 2021).
Thus, history plays a role in streamlining intersectionality and spreading its visibility globally as the norm for identifying people (Hendricks, Deal, Mills, & Helms Mills, 2021). This allowed the civil rights laws and standards to become common and generalized in most parts of America in ways that enabled African American women to speak up for equal and fair engagement or treatment (Vickery, 2017). The participation of African American women in most activities came with limitations and a lot of inhibitions that took time to manifest fully (Vickery, 2017). Through participation in the Civil Rights Era, African American women were able to question racism and the patriarchy. Due to the gradualist nature of black women’s engagement, there was a certain level of demur in recognizing the rights of black women. However, things are changing in our times, and this has ultimately yielded fruits with the rights of black women being recognized around the country (Vickery, 2017).
Despite these progresses, African American women still face microaggression and other forms of informal discrimination and toxic work environments that cause the digression of the rights of black women in the workplace. This prevents black women from gaining equal participation and fair participation in most entities like nonprofits; therefore, limiting their abilities to contribute at their greatest levels (Vickery, 2017).
Struggles of Black Women and Implications
Although intersectionality and agitation for civil rights and other things like awareness and education about freedom, have brought African Americans very far, there have been many hurdles on the way, which have made it almost impossible for African American women to participate fully and take up executive positions in nonprofits and other sectors of the economy. America’s status as a democracy involved the creation of stable social conditions as well as democracy (Routh, 2017). Such awareness about their social condition created parameters for functionality. However, actual participation at different points in U.S. history required agitation and, in some cases, violence and defiance. Black women were cast as invisible from Slavery through Segregation, where they were often limited to the domestic space. However, over time, African American women have progressed significantly (Routh, 2017).
Today, in America, black women have the highest criminal conviction rates, and they are targeted and limited directly by ban-the-box (BTB) policies that prevent the hiring of people with criminal records (Doleac & Hansen, 2020). Under the law of BTB, companies cannot ask about the criminal records of the candidates on job applications, and their background checks are postponed until the hiring process (Doleac & Hansen, 2020). We all know how America’s school-to-prison pipeline and mass incarceration disproportionately target African Americans. As such, black women are likely to grow up with a conviction that will be on their records and prevent them from entering jobs as operatives, let alone rising to take up managerial or executive roles. This is something that has been abused over the years by racists to prevent black women from holding top roles and positions (Doleac & Hansen, 2020).
Mass incarceration represents a high point of many different forms of discrimination and limitations placed on black women that continue to prevent them from thriving at this time in history. Due to this, the struggle continues as a means of overturning all these artificial limitations and restrictions as part of a macrocosmic system of issues and hurdles (Smith, Watkins, Ladge, & Carlton, 2019, p. 107). Black women pursuing higher education are impacted disproportionally by factors, such as housing, educational affordability, and lack of childcare (Elakbawy & Peterson, 2023). The compounding impacts of intersecting and discriminatory elements target the structural disadvantage that affects the experiences of Black women within higher education. Black women are more likely to be first-generation students and low-income due to the history of educational disenfranchisement and discrimination. Black women enroll in colleges at a higher rate than White, but more than half of them are unable to get their degree within the first six years (Becker, n.d). Also, college students, who are mothers, drop out before graduation due to limited financial resources, the struggle that comes with balancing their work and education, and the lack of access to affordable childcare (Elakbawy & Peterson, 2023). Therefore, Black women are disadvantaged when compared to all other college students.
“The unique and complex experiences of and challenges for Black women, which are tied to their intersecting marginalized identities, have largely been overlooked in management research.” (Smith, Watkins, Ladge, & Carlton, 2019, p. 107). Such challenges have created a trend of invisibility that African American women have struggled against and continue to struggle against. Therefore, society should make a conscious effort to assign black women to roles where they will be away from the eyes of others. The efforts include job roles that are “hidden behind the scenes” where they can hardly develop competencies to rise within the corporate context. Invisibility goes back to the days of Slavery when African American women were viewed in a utilitarian context where they were used to doing the most difficult domestic chores but kept away from guests because they were seen as an embarrassment (Smith, Watkins, Ladge, & Carlton, 2019). The same difficulty has regenerated itself in the corporate world, where black women in managerial and executive positions are forced to take up roles that are not given to young white women or white men. Thus, they are limited in career progression in ways that prevent them from being the best versions of themselves (Smith, Watkins, Ladge, & Carlton, 2019).
The bias that continues to thrive in America today is in the use of data models where information about people is presented without sensitivity to gender, sex, and race. Williams et al. (2018) assert that having such “blind” records justifies racism and discrimination. For many generations, the notion of “colorblind” acts has been justified by the belief that people of certain races and backgrounds are not targeted directly as they have an “equal chance”. This is part of a series of deceptive practices that allow management and people on top of organizations to get away with acts that ultimately strengthen and encourage racism and discrimination, which almost always puts black women at a great disadvantage (Smith, Watkins, Ladge, & Carlton, 2019).
Black women cast themselves as “the strong black woman” who challenges the stereotypes and discrimination in a way that causes so much exhaustion and pain (Corbin, Smith, & Garcia, 2018). However, there is only one or a few black women who stand up to resist racism and discrimination (Corbin, Smith, & Garcia, 2018). Functioning alone, some Black women might work extra hard, put in more, and get less and less each time. This form of resistance has encouraged racism over the years and discouraged black women from being the best version of what they can become.
The phenomenon of stereotypes cannot be regulated, but they lead to depression, anxiety, and hostility (Jerald, Cole, Ward, & Avery, 2017). The outcomes of such stereotypes are things that black women have fought for many years and generations. However, they have not materialized because they are steeped in actions that are intrinsic and are exercised in ways that cannot be easily flagged and regulated. However, if such pointers are flagged as meta-stereotypes, a lot of action can be taken to limit them in many sectors and activities (Jerald, Cole, Ward, & Avery, 2017).
Depression symptoms are at the top of the main excesses that black women endure when they work in hostile work environments (Abrams, Hill, & Maxwell, 2019). Therefore, black women must endure a lot and bypass many traps and limitations set for them consciously and unconsciously in ways that prevent them from progressing. Thus, some of the problems and challenges that lead to struggles and common problems include suspension and other disciplinary problems in school that start the journey towards the exclusion of black girls (Blake, Keith, Luo, Le, & Salter, 2017). In most cases, black girls are judged for the immediate action in which they are involved and given the worst punishment that often causes them to drop out of school. This puts them on a path of disadvantage and lifelong exclusion. Such hostility continues through higher education until most black girls enter the work force (Walkington, 2017). Ultimately, all these come together to create large gaps for black women and others (Assari, 2018).
Exclusion of Black Women in the Nonprofit Sector
Black women’s involvement in community activism was largely unpaid through the 20th Century (Banks, 2020). This was considered informal contribution to society, and it was a source of gross disregard for the inputs and activities undertaken by women in the general sense. However, feminist economists have re-conceptualized the role of such informal roles and demanded payment (Banks, 2020). In many cases, such demands lead to the formulation of contracts that allow nonprofits to pay as little as possible to these women when they demand payment (Banks, 2020). In many cases, such demands lead to the formulation of contracts that allow nonprofits to pay as little as possible to these women when they demand payment. The right way around it is to give them roles that will be long-term in nature and allow these women in nonprofits to become supervisors, managers, and then executives (Baldridge, 2017).
Historically, black women have always fallen behind in terms of career progression and salaries when compared to their white counterparts in administrative and managerial roles in the nonprofit sector (West, 2020). And even after they earn advanced degrees, black women generally earn far less than people with the same qualifications in the nonprofit sector. This fact is premised on assumptions and other forms of inhibitions that prevent black women from rising through the ranks (West, 2020). Such pointers are never addressed or confronted, and for some reason, black women adjust to their salary levels and live quietly (Watkins, Simmons, & Umphress, 2019).
The theory of intersectional capital also makes it difficult for black women to meet employment conditions and achieve required targets (Gurusami, 2017). Due to the theory of intersectional capital, black women are often avoided and hardly get to hold top positions in nonprofit organizations. In effect, black women are often kept away from proactive positions and given passive roles in nonprofits (Morton & Parson, 2018). An unwritten rule relating to ostracism exists and black women are often cast as perpetually incompetent and therefore kept away from roles that are essential in career progression (Ross, Huff, & Godwin, 2021).
Social capital is one such aspect that plays a prominent role in the racial disparities in socioeconomic mobility (Gilbert, Ransome, Dean, DeCaille, & Kawachi, 2023). However, the same social capital has become a mechanism to redistribute power from the macro-level (institution of justice) to the community level. The contribution of social capital toward Black women is explicitly articulated, especially in the formal definitions within the theories invoked to describe racial disparities in social mobility (Gilbert, Ransome, Dean, DeCaille, & Kawachi, 2023). However, it has its limitations when it comes to a Black woman and thus, represents the disparity between White and Black women as it is too influenced by structural racism.
Constructionist racialization has influenced the way people of different races are stereotyped and presented (Owusu-Bempah, 2017). Such racialization is often reinforced by the media and becomes an objective part of how people think and view the world (Hinton & Cook, 2021). Black women are generally cast as unintelligent and likely to perform poorly (Owusu-Bempah, 2017). This is the frame within which most people think of black women when they have to give them jobs and roles they might not perform well. Therefore, they are kept in areas considered “safe” or less “sensitive” so that they do not do “damage”. These stereotypes might be denied by many. However, they remain entrenched in the minds of many people and continue to influence their thought patterns and the deployment of roles and resources in the nonprofit sector (Hinton & Cook, 2021).
Disruptive social injustice also means the nature of exclusion of black women in sectors like the nonprofit sector is inconsistent and fluctuates (Toolis, 2017). Disruptive social injustice is a philosophical and political theory, which does not focus on the concept of fairness and does not provide equal access to social privileges, opportunities, and wealth in society. The concept emerged in the 19th Century as there were disparities in social standing and wealth through the social structure of the era (Walster & Walster, 1975). Due to this social injustice, there are huge gaps in the inclusion of black women in the sector. Also, the political nature of nonprofit organizations means that relationship-building plays a major role, which is highly disadvantageous to black women (Clemens, 2021). The trend of participatory association means that a few elites from majority backgrounds are preferred in leading nonprofits, which leaves out black women.
Summary
There are important elements concerning the lack of progression of black women in the management and leadership roles of nonprofits. About the limited knowledge of black women in executive positions in nonprofits, some themes are generated from this review of scholarly literature. First, there are inherent elements of society that lead to the otherization of black women in general which leads to invisibility, and rejection of black women overall. Racism, sexism, and other inhibitions mean black women end up being excluded from top leadership positions. There is a lack of opportunities for black girls to learn and develop executive and leadership skills. Intersectionality came as a tool to measure and identify the disadvantages created and faced by different demographic groups. Black women in America have had a very complicated history, which has made them a minority in minorities in terms of their race and gender. Intersectionality acts as a major tool to objectively critique their status and demand fair and just treatment.
Furthermore, black women’s role in nonprofits has been limited throughout history. This involves various practices internally and other historical issues that have made it difficult for black women to see their fair share of leadership opportunities. This leads to depression, anxiety, and hostility. Chapter III will provide an overview of information for the collection of data, analysis, and interpretation based on the findings of this chapter to draw a scholarly conclusion.
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Appendix A
(1) Black Women Executive Leaders Lack of Representation and Why General Exclusion of Black Women in America (Corbett, 2022)
Otherized in the educational system and therefore excluded on the path to executive roles and positions (Nixon, 2017)
Men dominate leadership in America generally; black women are less likely than white women to rise through executive roles (Lyness & Grotto, 2018)
Black women invisibility, precarious visibility in executive roles, while white men and younger white women are given hypervisibility (McCluney & Caridad Rabelo, 2019).
Black women are held back from top positions through body and tone policing, exceptionalism, tokenization, cultural erasure, and gatekeeping restrictions (Leath, et al., 2021)
Benefit and identity shifting, interpersonal rejection, and forced assimilation into the dominant culture (Dickens(2) & Chavez, 2018).
Interlocking system of oppression in decision-making roles (Richardson, 2021)
Lack of taking inputs from black women, thereby creating a hostile executive system in most companies (Stewart, 2022)
(2) Black Women Executive Leaders Lack of Representation in the Nonprofit Sector and Why (a) racism, (b) sexism, (c) community of family and friends, (d) passion to serve (Brown, 2019)
Tokenism – black women’s inputs are rarely taken in senior nonprofit roles (Boyd, 2022)
Black women are generally underrepresented on nonprofit boards, so it is just assumed they are not interested (LeRoux & Medina, 2023)
African American women on nonprofit boards can increase participation and reach, especially in minority communities; however, they are really put in such roles, thereby reducing their usefulness on nonprofit boards (Kim & Mason, 2017)
Correlation between black girls’ participation in school programs that support social advancement and their entry into executive roles in nonprofits; however, these programs are generally very few and often fail to include African American girls (Cook, 2020)
Federal laws and affirmative action hardly cover nonprofits so black women are often left out (Nelson & Piatak, 2019)
A prejudiced notion that African American women have limitations in leadership decisions (Sales, Burke, & Cannonier, 2020)
In many cases, the nonprofit sector does not come under sufficient scrutiny, therefore allowing a lot of anti-black women racism to go unchecked (Siemiatycki, 2019)
Visibility, collaborating, exposure, mentorship and authenticity are major areas where black women are left behind (Johnson & Fournillier, 2022)
(3) History of Intersectionality for Black Women
Intersectionality – a series of hierarchies created because of historic and socioeconomic factors that affect the distribution of resources (Roth, 2019)
During Civil Rights, black women had to fight racism as well as the patriarchy and misogyny (Adams & Lott, 2021)
Many African American women were otherized during the civil rights where rights were given to black men, and after where rights were given to white women instead of black women (Mays & Ghavami, 2018)
Intersectionality and the engage theory involve proactively demanding an equal and fair treatment – where this has been invoked by black women, it has helped them gain greater participation and advancement (Warner, Settles, & Shields, 2018)
Intersectionality creates methodological processes used to analyze differences and exclusion that can be used to demand change and just settlements – it has helped black women advance their cause (Breslin, Pandey, & Riccucci, 2017)
African American women in nonprofit roles indicated they go through a combination of issues with their race, identity, societal and occupational stereotypes as well as hostile environments (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017)
A few elites first demand fairness on the basis of intersectionality, but over time, everyone else comes forward to demand fair and equal treatment (Hendricks, Deal, Mills, & Helms Mills, 2021)
Women’s progression was rather gradual and less apparent until recently (Vickery, 2017)
(4) Historical Struggles of Black women
America’s stable social systems and democracy required demanding rights and participation – African American women have come far from oppression and exclusion (Routh, 2017)
African American women are most likely to be incarcerated than women of all other races; this is something that has been used to prevent them from entering the workforce, let alone rising to managerial and executive roles (Doleac & Hansen, 2020)
Invisibility remains a problem black woman have fought against for many centuries (Smith, Watkins, Ladge, & Carlton, 2019)
Many colorblind practices actually strengthen racism and discrimination against black women and will have to be challenged directly and more thoroughly (Williams, Brooks, & Shmargad, 2018)
The stereotypical strong black woman does a lot more, but gets little since they act alone and, in many cases, they get rewarded less, thereby strengthening racism (Corbin, Smith, & Garcia, 2018)
Stereotypes and bad treatment lead to depression, anxiety, and hostility that often affects black women and cannot be fought easily (Jerald, Cole, Ward, & Avery, 2017)
Depression symptoms are at the top of the main excesses that black women endure when they work in hostile work environments (Abrams, Hill, & Maxwell, 2019).
Some of the problems and challenges that lead to struggles and common problems include suspension and other disciplinary problems in school that start the journey towards exclusion of black girls (Blake, Keith, Luo, Le, & Salter, 2017)
(5) Define and Provide Historical Context of Both Nonprofit Organizations (NPO) and Nongovernmental Organizations (NGO) – differences and similarities AND explain how Black women executive leadership is or lack thereof within each organization type and why
Black women’s place in nonprofits were generally unpaid until recently; however, under feminist economic models, they are paid less and often denied a pathway to become executives (Banks, 2020)
Black women always earned less than their white colleagues in nonprofits; they often adjusted to low salaries and the trend continued (West, 2020)
Intersectional capitalism means many black women cannot meet the task standards set for them, therefore leading to their exclusion in top roles in nonprofits (Gurusami, 2017)
Black women are often kept away from proactive roles and given passive roles (Morton & Parson, 2018)
Racialization and stereotypes keep black women from top roles in nonprofits (Owusu-Bempah, 2017)
Lots of inconsistencies in nonprofits that go against women (Toolis, 2017)
Political elements and who you know in nonprofits does not favor black women (Clemens, 2021)
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